TOPIC:
A CRITICAL EVALUATION OF COMMENSALITY IN
IGBO TRADITIONAL SOCIETY, USING EHA-ALUMONA COMMUNITY AS A CASE STUDY.
BY
EZE, HILLARY TOBECHUKWU
DATE: MAY 2018.
ABSTRACT
Easter
Monday of every year is a significant day and of paramount importance to every
member of the family of Onyishi & Obunoko Eze, Cyril Ugwuyegu. It is a
special day set-out for family reunion, a period during which we share together
a well prepared meal which is often served and consumed at the same table and
in the same dish. Different brands of drinks are served also to wash the meal
down. The food is prepared by my mother with the assistance of my female
siblings and daughter-in-laws. During this meal, we sit round the table in a
circular form, my Father and Mother have their reserved sitting positions, and
we (their children) sit randomly to form a circle. Married daughters do come
with their families (Husband and Children). During this meal sharing some
family issues are raised and addressed to ensure individual and family progress.
It
was this personal experience of commensality; the notable Igbo communalistic
behaviour; and the Igbo emphasis on brotherhood that triggered my interest in
undergoing a research on commensality. The interest here then, is to highlight
and lay bare the commensal activities in Igbo Traditional Society, using
Eha-Alumona community as a case study. This will in turn expose the nature,
essence, and significance of commensality.
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
I immensely thank the Almighty God
for endowing me with unmerited favour and grace, and also for sustaining me
till the end of this study. I have no doubt that it was his love and mercy upon
me that necessitated both my engagement in this study and its successful
completion.
My unalloyed gratitude goes to my
parents, Onyishi & Obunoko Eze, Cyril
Ugwuyegu. You have been very supportive, understanding and caring
especially within the period of this study. Your efforts to see that I
accomplish this study will not be forgotten in a hurry. May God continually
bless and keep you healthy and longer for me.
In a special way, I wish to
sincerely thank my Lecturer, Rev Fr. Dr Sylvanus Nnoruka, who challenged me to
undergo this study. I will ever remain indebted to you for the level of
exposure I have gained through your lectures and at the course of this study.
Thanks and God bless.
Lastly, I wish to acknowledge my
siblings for their supports and encouragements throughout the period I was
carrying out the study. And some others who in one way or the other, were instrumental
to the success of this study. May the good Lord endow you with enormous
blessings and success in your life endeavours.
Thanks and God bless.
TABLE
OF CONTENTS
Abstract………………………………………………………………………………..i
Acknowledgements…………………………………………………………………….ii
Table of Contents………………………………………………………………………iii
Chapter One…………………………………………………………………………….1
1.0 .
Introduction……………………………………………………………………….1
1.1. Background of Study………………………………………………………………1
1.2. Research Methodology…………………………………………………………….2
1.3. Explication of terms………………………………………………………………..2
Chapter Two…………………………………………………………………………….3
2.1. Geographical Location……………………………………………………………..4
2.2. Historical Origin……………………………………………………………………4
2.3. The People of Eha-Alumona………………………………………………………..8
2.4 .
The Economic Life of Eha-Alumonites. (Occupations)…………………………...11
2.5. Religion……………………………………………………………………………..11
Chapter Three……………………………………………………………………………11
3.0. Commensality: An Overview……………………………………………………….11
3.1. The Nature of Commensality………………………………………………………..12
3.2. Territory and Time in
Commensality………………………………………………..14
3.3. Food and Commensality……………………………………………………………...15
Chapter
Four………………………………………………………………………………17
4.0.
Commensality in Eha-Alumona Community…………………………………………17
4.1.
Commensality in the Household……………………………………………………...17
4.2.
Commensality in Marriage Ceremonies………………………………………………..18
4.3.
Commensality in Oriri Ụzọ in Eha-Alumona Festivals………………………………...18
4.4.
Commensality in Funerals………………………………………………………………20
4.5. Palm Wine in the Service of Commensality…………………………………………….21
Chapter five…………………………………………………………………………………..22
5.0. Evaluation and Conclusion………………………………………………………………22
5.1. Evaluation………………………………………………………………………………..22
5.2. Conclusion……………………………………………………………………………..24
Bibliography………………………………………………………………………………..25
CHAPTER
ONE
1.0.
INTRODUCTION
Commensality is an act that consist
of sharing a meal with a group in the same table, at the same time. Its
importance and significance are hinged on the sharing attitude involved in this
commensal behaviour. Such sharing depicts communion, unity and oneness among
those who are involved in the sharing. This explains why commensal celebrations
are tagged as periods set apart for different kinds of social activities,
activities which display not just the conviviality in the community but most
importantly, the sense of unity, oneness, togetherness, and peace.
This research work is designed to
critically evaluate the concept of commensality in Igbo Traditional Society,
using Eha-Alumona community as case study. To achieve this aim, this research
work is divided into five chapters. The first chapter gives information on the
background of the study and the research methodology, it also gives proper
attention to the key concepts involved in this study. The second chapter is
designed to give a reasonable amount of information about the community under
study. Hence, the historical and geographical background of Eha-Alumona
community is elucidated in this chapter. The third chapter displays an overview
of commensality, it x-rays commensality to expose its structure and essence.
Some important factors of commensality, such as; territory, time and food, are
also considered in this chapter. The fourth chapter highlights the commensal
activities inherent in Eha-Alumona community – references are made to the
commensal activities found in the house hold level as well as the community
level, such as commensality in funeral rites, commensality in Oriri Uzo
festival. The final chapter, chapter five, evaluates the commensal activities of
Eha-Alumona people, laying bare their importance, significance, and challenges.
1.1
BACKGROUND OF STUDY
This research work is designed to
study commensality in the Igbo Traditional Society, with special reference to Eha-Alumona
Community in Nsukka L.G.A of Enugu State. Hence the activities and practices of
commensality within the purview of Eha-Alumona Community will be our major
focus.
1.2
RESEARCH METHODOLOGY
A qualitative research method was
adopted in this study, which gave room for an in-depth study of commensality in
Obollo-Afor community. Some data were gotten through interviews, while some
emerged through participant observation. The respondents I employed their help
are noble sons of the soil and respectable individuals in Obollo-Afor Community.
They include: Elder Michael Odo, Elder John Abonyi (Attamah Abonyi), Mr Francis
Odo, Mr Aba Eya (Onyeishi Umuaroke Attamah), and Chief Innocent Uroko (Okudiebe
1). They were interviewed differently, and on different occasions.
1.3.
EXPLICATION OF TERMS.
COMMENSALITY
Etymologically,
the concept “Commensality” is derived from a Medieval Latin word “commensalis”. It is a composition of two words, “com”
which means sharing and “mensa” which means a table. Thus, it is literally
translated as ‘sharing a table’. Commensality can be said to be a fellowship at table; the act or practice of eating at the same table.
The Oxford English Dictionary, defines commensality as the habit of eating at
the same table or continual feeding together at one table. To understand better what commensality
entails, there is a need to x-ray some of the key concepts or phrases that
significantly stand out in the above definition of commensality. These include:
the habit of eating, same table, and continued feeding together.
The
habit of eating: as it is used here, rules out
accidental or unplanned meeting at the place where food is shared. Commensality
is a positive act, which, therefore, implies a well-knit organisation with
definite rules guiding the sharing of meals. Commensality is essentially eating
with a purpose, and the number of times it is done is immaterial.
Same
table: on the other hand, refers to a cultural
area, especially in the Westernised world, where one may sit at table to
consume one’s food. In other cultures, such as the Igbo Traditional society,
people may eat together from a large earthen bowl or basket. This does not
however remove the significance of the table, for in this case, a ritually
demarcated level piece of ground or other surface, serves the purpose of a table.
Sitting together at a table may imply all sorts of social relationships
including mutual tolerance, acceptance, status equality and probably,
togetherness. A table being level can have a unifying and equalizing effect for
partakers of the meal. It need not have a head or foot, unless the people who
are making use of it at a particular historical moment decide to say that any
part of it should be designated as the top or foot of the table for the purpose
of status differentiation. However, the type of equality provided by the act of
sharing a meal at the same table is a situational equality.
Continued
feeding together: this implies that at
least two persons must be there to constitute commensal partners because a
single individual cannot express commensality by himself. It also presupposes
that the eating arrangement has been made and approved even before the dining
takes place. The sustained habit demonstrates that the relationship between
those participating in the meal has withstood the test of time. For it is
obvious that, as soon as there is any sign of hostility within the group it
would disperse. Thus, individuals who eat regularly at the same restaurant,
even when they occupy the same table, cannot be said to constitute commensal
partners.
CHAPTER
TWO
2.0.
HISTORICAL AND GEOGRAPHICAL BACKGROUND OF EHA-ALUMONA
It is pertinent at this point to
engage in a historical and geographical overview of the place of study. Here,
the geographical location will be disclosed, as well as the historical origin of
the community. To understand the community more, the prevalent occupations and
religion will be considered too.
2.1.
GEOGRAPHICAL LOCATION
GEOGRAPHICAL
LOCATION
Eha-Alumona is located on the
Eastern part of Nsukka city, Eha-Alumona is bounded on the North by Orba, on
the South by Ede-Oballa and some part of Opi, on the East by some part of Opi
and Mbu and on the West by Nsukka, all in Enugu State. Eha-Alumona, just like
Nsukka, is a land of hills and valleys, thus the “Ugwu” within the household
names of lots of its indigenes. The Ugwuezemkpume hillock with its stony
valleys which geographically separates Agbamere from Ukweje now Eha. There’s
Eme stream by Agụ Umabor. Eha-Alumona has Agụ and Ụlọ (Undeveloped and
developed areas).
2.2.
HISTORICAL ORIGIN
There are two accounts of the
historical origin of Eha-Alumona. These accounts are instrumental in
understanding the origin of Eha-Alumona people. Eha-Alumona, like any other
town is inhibited today by immigrants from various parts of Nigeria known and
yet unknown.
FIRST ACCOUNT.
The first settlers in this town
were the people led by a great man known as NWUNYEANI, who now occupy a section
of Eha-Alumona called EBO. The places from where they immigrated are yet
unknown. As the first settlers in Eha-Alumona town, Ebo received other
immigrants and settled them in the town. The seniority of Ebo in this town is
not disputed. Infact, Ebo gave Eha-Alumona town seniority right over all the
surrounding towns and is still respected as oldest, particulary in the sharing of
kolanut – the sacred fruit of Igboland. According to Ọrịị Nwaozioko, the eldest
man in Eha-Alumona (Onyeishi Mkpụnatọ), Ebo was an autonomous community, but
its depopulation through death made it part and parcel of Eha-Alumona town
today. However, Ebo still retains its autonomy up till date in Eha-Alumona. In
the gathering of the people of Eha-Alumona particularly elders, separate share
of kolanut is given to Ebo before the remaining is divided into three among
Eha, Agbamere and Umabor. Some parts of Eha-Alumona, Eha, Agbamere and Umabor
trace their origin to Idah in today’s Benue State of Nigeria relying on
legends, Chief Anthony S. Ozioko in his paper entitled “Eha-Alumona Atta Igala
Kwu Ododo” says that a man called Eha-Alumona is the eldest son of Attah of
Idah, who suffered a millitry defeat at the hand of Nwunyeani of Ebo. In one of
their wars of expansion, under their able military general Onoja Oboni, the
Igalas waged war against Nwunyeani of Ebo. Miraculously through the helps of a
white woman wearing black cloths, assumed to be a goddess, Nwunyeani defeated
the Igala soldiers and took many of them war prisoners. There was no real
fighting because the goddess stole away all the weapons of the Igala soldiers
during their night slumber. Igala soldiers had no option than to surrender to
Nwunyeani and his soldiers. In search of peace in order to regain his soldiers
and weapons, Attah the king of Igala sent his first son “Eha-Alumona” to
Nwunyeani with many tributes and presents. Nwunyeani received Attah’s son
warmly and organized a sumptuous party for Idah’s Prince. Nwunyeani not only
agreed to peace movement of Attah, but, sent Attah’s son back to his father
with many gifts in return showing that love is reciprocal. Good leaders know
that human relationship is “dog’s game”: one falling down for other who fell
for one. Nwunyeani proved himself an intelligent leader through his attitudes
towards Attah of Idah he defeated in a war. Such generous experiences
Eha-Alumona the son of Attah enjoyed impressed him so much that he requested to
be allowed to come back and settle in this town. Nwunyeani in his magnanimity
readily granted the request. This permission of Nwunyeani brought the Idah
prince “Eha-Alumona” to this town. Eha-Alumona settled down acting as the
intermediary between his father and Nwunyeani. He later married and got three
children namely, Eha, Agbamere and Umabor in order of seniority. Eha-Alumona
was given the land around the famous hill in the centre of the town. The land
was later shared among the three sons of Eha-Alumona. This shows the blood
relationship between the people of Eha-Alumona sons and daughters of the same
parents. It is neither military gun, nor political diplomancy that united the
people of Eha-Alumona from the very beginning, but flesh and blood of one man
Eha-Alumona through the creative will of God.
SECOND ACCOUNT.
The remaining sections of
Eha-Alumona town that is not Nwunyeani traced their origin to NSHI (NRI) in the
present Awka of Anambra State of Nigeria. These immigrants from Nshi came to
Eha-Alumona under the leadership of a brave man called “KATA KATA”, he was
latter renamed “EZEOKPAKA NWA EZENSHI” as Chief A. S. Ozioko said. Tradition
and legends have it that Ezeokpaka was so brave and acrobatic that even his own
Father (Eze Nshi) grew afraid of him. This fear in Eze Nshi let to certain
plans to get rid of Ezeokpaka, Eze Nshi sent his son, Ezeokpaka to Agalaba Ojo
to bring back the Ihu Ama (Black Smith’s tools) of Eze Agalaba Ojo (whose
modern site is yet unknown) the place was a place no stranger goes and comes
home alive. In effect, Eze Nshi sent his troublesome son Ezeokpaka to die in
Agalaba Ojo, but providence did not support it. On his way to Agalaba Ojo,
Ezeokpaka helped a very old woman by carrying some of her firewood for her.
When they reached the old woman’s house, she questioned Ezeokpaka over his
nationality and travel. He narrated all about himself to this unknown woman,
and told her of his mission to Agalaba Ojo. The woman enlightened him on the dangers
involved in his mission to Agalaba Ojo, and instructed him on how to succeed in
his venture. The woman gave him two charms, ọfọ and ọjị, and told him that with
these two objects, nobody under the sun will be able to take away his life,
still from Chief A. S. Ozioko. After all the instructions, preparations and two
gifts from the woman, Eze Okpaka left for Agalaba Ojo and succeeded in bringing
Ihu Ama of Eze Agalaba Ojo to his father Eze Nshi. One tradition said that his
father became more afraid of him and expelled him from Nshi according to Duhu
Asogwa. Another tradition said that Ezeokpaka on his safe arrival back from
Agalaba Ojo took revenge on his father by burning his father alive, which
merited Ezeokpaka’s expultion from Nshi town, as Chief A. S. Ozioko said. The
two traditions agree that Ezeokpata was expelled on his safe arrival back from
Agalaba Ojo and it was this expulsion that made him a wanderer and brought him
to the scene of Eha-Alumona town. A wanderer is always a hunter, and Ezeokpaka
was living mainly on hunting. He lived in one of the forests in this town
hunting. One of the wives of Nwunyeani saw a smoke in the forest and in her
curiosity went to see who kindled the fire there. She saw Ezeokpaka and ran
away in fear, but he called her and served her some meat. The woman told her
husband, Nwunyeani about the hunter she saw and the hunter’s generous gift of
meat to her. Nwunyeani in his generousity, invited the hunter Ezeokpaka to his
place. Ezeokpaka was warmly received in Nwunyeani’s place. He narrated his
experiences with his father, Eze Nshi, to Nwunyeani and he had pity on him and
accommodated him in his place. The fugitive Ezeokpaka now settled down for a
normal life in the palace of a generous leader. Ezeokpaka gave one of his young
chicks to the wife of Nwunyeani to keep for him on sharing basis. One bright
afternoon, while they were playing, a hawk dived down and carried one hen which
Kata Kata gave to the wife of Nwunyeani. Then Kata Kata got annoyed, he took
his ọfọ of Eze Nshi pointed at the hawk and said, “If it were the time I used
to be Kata Kata, this hawk would bring the hen back here dead or alive”. No
sooner had he finished uttering the words than the hawk and the hen were
brought down to the edge of the draft board. (Duhu Asogwa and Chief S. A.
Ozioko said the same thing here). Nwunyeani after seeing the magic powers of
his visitor became afraid of him and gave him a virgin forest land near the
site of Amaezike in Eha-Alumona for permanent habitation, according to Chief S.
A. Ozioko. Arika Duhu Asogwa said that the forest land given to him is the
present site called Amaechelu in Eha-Alumona which shares boundary with
Amaezike village in Eha-Alumona. The two traditions say that Ezeokpaka cleared
the forest by simply pointing his magical ọfọ to the tress. After clearing the
whole forest, he went back to Nwunyeani and begged him to give him one of his
daughters as wife which Nwunyeani accepted and gave him. He gave birth to three
male children, they are, Ukwueje now Eha, Agbamere and Umabor. It is also
noteworthy that some Eha-Alumonites migrated into the place called Eha-Amufu
today. Tradition and research work say that Ụmụjiọfọ and Ihenyi sections of
Eha-Amufu trace their origin to Eha-Alumona town. This tradition is not found
in Eha-Alumona alone, but also exists in the Eha-Amufu legends according to S.
U. Omeye.
2.3.
THE LIFE OF EHA-ALUMONA PEOPLE.
Parentage and environment have much
influence on human character formation. People from the same stock and locality
act alike to some extent. There are four major characteristics by which
Eha-Alumonites are known wherever they are. The four characteristics are:
Simplicity, Hospitality, Fraternity and Frankness. Any unadulterated
Eha-Alumonite has the above qualities. Let us discuss them. The economic life
of the people shall be discussed also.
SIMPLE LIFE.
One lives a simple life when one is
contented with what one has. A man may be poor but satisfied with himself. He
neither jealousies the rich nor worries by his wretchedness. As mentioned
before, God blessed Eha-Alumonites with natural resources. There are abundance
of food to eat and palm wine to drink. The forests and bushes had much wild
animals for meat. All these help to make Eha-Alumonites contended with all
around them. Up till 1960s, feasting and party were the major concerns of
Eha-Alumonites. To buttress this, there is an organization in Eha-Alumona whose
maiden name is “Akpata enye ọnụ society” that means that a person acquires
wealth just to feed himself. The name has been changed to “Ọganiru F. M. C. S”
as a result of development. Simplicity has its merits and demerits. A simple
man is not proud of handsomeness. He is always disposed for dialogue and ready
to co-operate in just causes. In the other hand, some of the demerits are that
a simple man will not make extra effort to go beyond the situation one is. Let
Eha-Alumonites be proud of their inborn simplicity.
HOSPITALITY.
He is not an Eha-Alumonite, whoever
lacks hospitality.
Hospitality is in the blood and
marrow of a true son or daughter of Eha-Alumona town. The founder of this
town-Nwunyeani was a born hospitable man, according to the accounts of his life
discussed above. The town’s great-forefather, Eha-Alumona Atta, was not lacking
in this virtue. Even Ezeokpaka proved hospitable while still a wanderer in the
forest by receiving the wife of Nwunyeani and offering her meat. Strangers feel
embarrassed by the traditional prolonged pleadings of Eha-Alumonites with
others to share their meal. It is offensive to refuse shaing meal with any
unadulterated Eha-Alumonite. They prepare meals not just for themselves but
even for the uninvited stranger, whose visit is yet uncertain. Eha-Alumonites
starve themselves to feed a stranger who never gave notice of his/her visit. A
kolanut, or snuf, is offered to a visitor first of all to show that he/she is
welcomed. If there is no kolanut, snuf or palm wine to offer a visitor, the
host must express deep regret for lacking those things. A visitor must sleep in
the best room, with the best bed in the house-even at the loss of the
inhabitants’ convenience. If there is hospitality on earth, it exists in
Eha-Alumona town.
FRATENITY.
This is an Anglicized Latin word,
meaning brotherhood. It conveys the joy that exists between blood relations.
There is a popular adage in Eha-Alumona “ONYE AYALE NWANNE NYE” (Let no one
abandon one’s relation). One lacks words to convey the sincere love that exists
between close related Eha-Alumonites at home and all the Eha-Alumonites outside
the town. All Eha-Alumonites are brothers and sisters regardless of their
section of origin outside Eha-Alumona town. They share their joys and sorrows
together. Up till 1960s, lands and economic trees were not shared in
Eha-Alumona town. The eldest man of each extended family was the custodian, who
gave out to members of that family portions to cultivate their yearly crops and
places to build their houses. The fruit of the economic trees like palm nuts,
ogbono and host of others are shared to wives of the members of each family. It
is not disputable that fraternity is expressed in mutual sharing. It may not be
exaggeration to say that unadulterated Eha-Alumonites shared everything
together except their wives. Infact even wives are the exempted only on beds –
because relations share the marriage expenditures and later welfare of their
wives. This is the reason why a wise house-wife in Eha-Alumona must respect her
husband’s relations, male and female (ụmụdị). Fraternity here is also expressed
in respect for older relations, and love for the younger ones. If a man kills a
hen, goat or any animal, privately in his house he does not eat the heart (Akụ ọkụkọ/Akụ
obi ewu), it belongs to the oldest man of the extended family (Nwaọkpara/Onyishi).
There are many other things reserved for the eldest in this way. It is also
traditional for the members of extended family to gather for discussions about
the welfare of their younger and older ones. All these show deep fraternity.
FRANKNESS.
Any unadulterated Eha-Alumonites
will tell you what he thinks of you to your face. He does not hide his feelings
from others. Duplicity is not the life of Eha-Alumonites. If he/she agrees with
you for a purpose, be assured of his/her support, his/her yes is yes and no is
no. one need not over-labour this issue since people who had got any business
to do with Eha-Alumonites will judge for themselves. There is a word repeated
many times in discussing the life of Eha-Alumonites, and that is UNADULTERATED,
it is an important word in our present discussion because many Eha-Alumonites
could be termed “adulterated Eha-Alumonites”. A man adulterated when he is no
longer representing forefathers in speech and action. The saying that by “their
fruits, you know them” is correct, but we must remember that there can be rotten
fruits of the same tree. There is always accident in human life. Interaction
with people of other cultures and parentage has adulterated many people not
only some Eha-Alumonites. Accidents notwithstanding, a mature and unbiased
observer will discover that true picture of Eha-Alumonites is represented in
these pages.
2.4. THE ECONOMIC LIFE
OF EHA-ALUMONITES. (OCCUPATIONS).
This history will be greatly
defective if nothing is said about the economic life of Eha-Alumona people. We
shall discuss this briefly. The Eha-Alumonites have four major means of
economic livelihood; namely Farming, Crafts, Trading and Civil Services. There
are many other minor means of economic livelihood. The most ancient and still
major occupation of Eha-Alumonites is farming. The majority of the people are
famers even today. The reason is obvious: the lands are fertile and each family
has more than enough farm land. Even those who have less lands for farming will
not spend any money in getting farmland. The spirit of sharing extends beyond
family walls. Civil servants, yet to be discussed, are farmers too. This shows
that farming is really the main stream of their economy. Some Eha-Alumonites,
in modern time, learn crafts like mason, cabinet, tailoring, carving and many
other things one can do. People in these professions combine their crafts with
farming as their occupations. Younger Eha-Alumonites, including school
dropouts, have learnt and adopted trading as their occupation from the
neighbouring towns like; Orba, Imilike, Ovoko and Obollo. Trading proved
lucrative and attracted them. Certain educated Eha-Alumonites are in civil
service in various offices of Nigerian government. The above are the sources of
this town’s economy.
2.5.
RELIGION
Eha-Alumona community is dominantly
a Christian community, comprised mainly of Catholics, and few Anglicans and
other Pentecostal Churches scattered within the community. However, there are
still a reasonable number of adherents of Traditional Religious belief.
CHAPTER
THREE
3.0.
COMMENSALITY: AN OVERVIEW.
Efforts will be made here to
analyse the concept of commensality in its general sense. This entails exposing
the structure and essence of commensality, also some key concepts in
commensality like territory, time and food, will be analysed to lay bare the
significance and richness of commensality. This will go a long way to give room
for deeper understanding and appreciation of what commensality entails.
3.1.
THE NATURE OF COMMENSALITY
Commensality is not a casual affair
but a social scheme or design through which some specific aspects of social
relationship can be communicated symbolically (through the sharing of food),
thus, it must have definite rules and regulations to protect it, detect
defaulters, preserve the unity of its members and ensure the continuity of the
principle embodied in the alliance. Commensality
is a social language which reflects an outward relationship of agreement.
Nevertheless, it is not necessarily a language of affection or love, but rather
a business language. It may proclaim unity or agreement but not the degree of
that agreement, exclusion but not the depth thereof. It remains a sign
language, a boundary marker and not a mirror of inner psychological dispositions.
Commensality therefore defines particular boundaries of social relationships
using the idiom of sharing food. It does not mean conviviality when the latter
simply means feasting, but it does not exclude that either. However, in certain
instances the very idea of unity latent in a commensal set of relationships may
also disclose exclusion, for commensality is also divisive. Though, not all
kinds of division or exclusion may imply enmity or hostility against those left
out. This is especially so where the unity emphasised in the commensality is
that of a specific group and defines those to be consulted on a specific issue.
The Relay Services of Great Britain also
offers a useful illustration of the meaning and significance of commensality.
The Relay Services is a corporate name for all the businesses which have
serious interest in radio, television, and other modern means of communication.
Usually, they conduct business meetings while partaking of elaborate meals and
with a minister of communication participating. The venue is the Rochester, an
exclusive hotel in Central London. What brings the representatives together in
such an atmosphere is solely common interest in protecting their business. It
should therefore be noted that presence at the Rochester is not governed by
inter-personal ties but business ties. Commensality can therefore transcend the
realm of the personality concentrating itself on the business in hand. Hence, it should be observed here that sharing
food as envisaged in commensality refers to a specific meal and not meals in
general. It is possible therefore that two persons who enjoy a commensal
relationship with reference to a given issue may find themselves opposed or
hostile to each other on certain issues. This could be seen as the principle of
segmented opposition translated into commensal terms. Nevertheless, occasions
for commensality may reaffirm group norms and assess their solidarity against
possible threats from outside. The members of the Rotary International Club for
instance, have to pursue commensality actively to achieve fraternity which can
be utilised in defence of business interests. Commensality can also be pursued
to achieve a definite goal. For instance, among the Igbo, a polygamous man
would not eat with his children, not because he hates them or wishes to avoid
them, but because the cooking arrangements in such a big family are not
organised to cater for such a group. There, each wife cooks for her own
children and takes her turn with the other wives in cooking for her husband. In
such a situation, a man eats alone or with his wife, but certainly not with his
children, in order not to encourage favouritism or envy.[1] In
caste and caste-like situations, commensality may assume a dual role. Those who
share meals together are members of a caste or sub caste analogous to a descent
group in segementry lineage situations[2].
But the same caste group must also utilise the occasion of sharing meals in the
presence of other castes to assert their relative status in the hierarchy. This
is because, each caste has a certain quality of ritual purity which is lessened
or polluted by commensal contacts with castes of an inferior quality. The caste
who can exchange cooked food without fear of defilement become commensal
partners or allies. Commensality, therefore, could reveal unity, disunity,
quality, inequality, hostility or feuding. Commensality must be contrasted from
charity. The latter, entails love of fellow men, kindness, affection,
beneficence, liberality or compromise. It constitutes the desire to help others
with money, food, shelter, and similar items. Even where the help is mainly
food, this alone would not constitute commensality. But where a group of people
depend on one man for their food, such a situation could be analysed as
commensality in terms of social inequality, provided there are reciprocal
rights and duties attached to the provision of food. The Zulu King, for
instance, would provide his subjects with food in times of food shortage. Here
the giving of food flows in one direction, but there is corresponding
reciprocity met in terms of service. The Zulu subjects do not regard the
provision of food from the King as charity, they expect it and it forms one of
the obligations which the king must meet on behalf of his subjects[3].
Here the giving of food signifies inequality or dependence.
3.2. TERRITORY AND TIME IN COMMENSALITY
These two concepts are important
factors within the domain of commensality, they can influence, change or
sharpen the focus of commensality.
Territory
Besides kinship which binds
individuals in external time and naturally the beginning of social life,
territory can be regarded as the most fundamental base for participating in all
kinds of social, economic, political, and religious activities. Territory can
be of any size, it can be as large as a nation state of as small as a village
square. But it must be clearly marked or demarcated. Sharing a common territory
proclaims a definite group, the group that can use the ‘we’ and by that
expression identifies itself and also become identifiable by outsiders. The
‘we’ people are those to whom the territory is sacred or holy and who must be
called upon to defend it if threatened or violated. It follows that the
territory must be inclusive and therefore point to members, and non-members
alike.
Time
Time is intimately linked to
territory. Time or timing can refer to moments or periods of action within the
context of serving and eating food. Time is culture bound and measured
accordingly, but it is always sequential. The type of relationship a person has
to a given territory can be an important factor in determining the quality of
commensality that can take place there. Therefore, where a person shares a
meal, can indicate all sorts of ties of social relationships. For instance,
whether a married man eats his supper alone in a restaurant or where he is
domiciled with his wife, can proclaim the quality of their relationship. Also,
whether a man shares communion in a Church or has it taken to him in bed indicates
a healthy man in the first case or a dying man in the second instance. In a
lineage situation with pronounced Ancestor Worship, a person’s status in a
group can be known by the way in which he participates in religious worship and
shares some of the foods offered in sacrifice.
3.3.
FOOD AND COMMENSALITY
The vital ingredient of
commensality is food generally.[4]
All types of food can become the medium through which the message of equality,
unity or exclusion, which are the special features of commensality, can be
communicated. However, certain types of food are overladen with commensal
weight in some culturally defined areas. It is evident that in different parts
of the world, certain types of food are considered delicacies, while to others
they are taboo. Most of these attitudes are based merely on sociological
grounds without much rational explanation to justify such practice in the said
community. Food has been subjected to all kinds of stresses in different
situations. Young, shows clearly how serious social tension can be resolved
through the medium of food. He noted that among the ‘Kalauna, individual
combatants can mobilise the support of kinsmen in an effort to amass sufficient
yam to shame the opponent. The strenuous effort needed to collect the yams soon
diffuses tensions among the group concerned and status-quo is restored.[5] Food,
in addition to the pattern of social relationships which can be communicated
through it, can also sharpen the environment of commensal processes. This is so
because, food has special appeal which makes people require it for sustenance.
Where food is served is clearly marked and people go there to satisfy their
needs. Perhaps, this explains why many uninvited persons troop in to reception
centres of different ceremonies within ones community, an act that is fondly
called AA (anuma abia) in Eha-Alumona community.
Sharing food can demonstrate some
aspects of the cultural background of those involved, it could also reveal the
culture or even the geographical zone of those sharing food. For example;
People who enjoy sharing such foods like “Achicha” (in Nsukka Echicha), “Aribo”
“Ayaraya azuzu”, can easily be identified as people from Nsukka area of Enugu
state. Worthy of note also is, the conditions under which food is served and who
serves it, which is really the actual experience of commensality. Food
proclaims a definite message in the context of commensality. This may have been
the reason why Mary Douglas regards it as “coded language” where the full
implication of the code may be revealed in a formal situation where food is
shared. For her, the message of commensality is about different degrees of
hierarchy, inclusion and exclusion, boundaries and transaction across the
boundaries.[6]
What is being stressed here is that commensality is a form of social
relationship which is known in the context of sharing food. Thus, the act of
eating and drinking together is the solemn and stated expression of the fact
that all who are sharing in that meal are brethren and that the duties of friendship
and brotherhood are implicitly acknowledged in their common act.
CHAPTER
FOUR
4.0. COMMENSALITY IN EHA-ALUMONA COMMUNITY
The
nature of the Igbo Traditional society already presupposes that there is
possibility of commensal behaviours in different communities that make up the
society. Below are evidences of commensality in Eha-Alumona community.
4.1. COMMENSALITY IN THE HOUSE HOLD
The
first point of contact of every individual is his family. At the early stage of
a person, it falls on the ambit of the parent and elder siblings to inculcate
the norms to the child. Thus, basically, majority of what we learn in our early
age are transmitted to us from our family (nuclear and extended) members. This
then shows that there exist a remarkable bond and love between the children and
parents, and within the siblings. In the
Igbo traditional society such as Eha-Alumona community, this bond and love
evident in the families, are demonstrated through the sharing of meal in the
individual families. After preparing the meal, especially at night, the mother
of the house serves the food in a place where all members of the family will
gather to partake in the meal. All are expected to be present in that
commensality because it comprises not just the act of eating together, but also
serves as an opportunity to solidify the unity already existing; to correct
some mistakes of misdeeds of the children; to teach the children table
etiquette; to inculcate discipline in the children; and to teach some other
moral values to them. This sharing also gives younger members of the household,
the opportunity to ask questions on issues that trouble them, and as well make
necessary contributions to the progress of the household. Members of a kin
group also dwell on commensality to fortify their union, oneness, brotherhood,
and as well uphold peace among them. Friends can also come together and decide
to share a meal at least once in a year.
4.2. COMMENSALITY IN MARRIAGE CEREMONIES
Marriage
– the legal union of a man and a woman, calls for a big celebration in
different Igbo Traditional Societies. In Eha-Alumona, such ceremonies are
greeted with enormous activities that displays how such union is valued and
treasured in the community. Of essential importance during the marriage
ceremony is food and drinks and not just any food. There are recommended types
of food served during this celebration, and when and how they are served during
the ceremony is of paramount importance. The kinsmen of the bride often make a
request of a number of things that are entitled to them, which must include a
specified type of food and brands of drinks. In Eha-Alumona community, pounded
yam with ogbono soup is recommended, and at least four kegs of palm wine,
amongst other things[7].
It is important to note that when such demands are not met, the bridegroom is
denied access to the bride. This is so because it is inferred that a man who cannot
feed his in-laws is not capable of taking care of a family of his. More still,
all other invitees and those who came uninvited are expected to be served at
least food. Ceremonies such as marriage in Eha-Alumona community attract even
passers-by who are hungry to branch to the reception centres and quench his/her
hunger. The celebrants are always prepared to take care of such persons.
4.3. COMMENSALITY IN ORIRI ỤZỌ IN
EHA-ALUMONA.
A distinct traditional festival: Oriri
Ụzọ in Eha-Alumona will be considered.
The Igbo Traditional society is mainly an agricultural society, which holds
traditional feasts at the conclusion of the farming cycle or to mark an
important development in the process of this cycle. On these occasions, as seen
in Eha-Alumona, farmers scattered in different farm settlements in Igbo land
head home for the feast. This is so, because a significant part of the
festivity includes religious worship. Such worship cannot be held except in
association with other members of the descent group, and must take place in the
people’s land. Food and drinks are used in the religious service in which both
the living and the dead members of the family are expected to participate. The
venerable dead of the descent group continue to live in their graves within the
descent group land, and are expected to be involved in the survival of the
group. Thus some kind of unity is maintained between the living and the dead
because they share in the common ownership of land. Among the Igbo, the
existence of such relationship is shown in the religious activity known as ‘igo
muo’ or ‘igo ma’. This means a religious observance where the participants can
share in food and drinks together with the spirits venerated – a kind of
communion with the spirits.
ORIRI ỤZỌ IN EHA-ALUMONA.
This is another festival that has
effect on the religious and social life of Eha-Alumonites. It is a feast that
marks the end of famine season (Ụya), and introduces the period of plenty
(Uduminyi). The year is divided into two in this town; namely oge ụya (famine)
when women take charge of feeding in families. The women formerly owned cocoyam
(nkashị), cassava (akpụ), maize (azụzụ), local beans (ekụdụ), water-yam (abala)
and vegetables (inene). These were crops they used to feed the whole family
during the long period of ụya (famine), mainly November to July annually. On Ụzọ
day, the women wash their utensils clean in preparation for uduminyi (period of
plenty). During this period of plenty, the men take over the feeding of the
whole family. Yam is the major food item. Morning, afternoon and night, it was
only yam prepared in various ways – roasting, porridge, boiled or foo foo. This
period of uduminyi is always short - August to October yearly. Ụzọ festival
also marks the departure of masquerades called “AKATAKPA” to the other world.
Akatakpa is youths’ masquerade, through it is controlled by the chief priest in
the town. On ụzọ day, Akatakpa is being worshiped particularly at the shrines
of communal ones called ISHIMA (Head of every other Akatakpa). There is a
cultural dance (Echọ cultural dance), which all the Akatakpa gather to dance in
the village square. Echọ dance is last event of Ụzọ festival celebration apart
from feasting and drinking which starts there and after, each family enjoy in
their homes until midnight on Ụzọ feast day. Finally, Oriri Ụzọ, constitutes time signal when by prescribing a
particular type of food and for a particular purpose, it is cooked and served
in every household in Eha-Alumona according to the custom of the land, the
entire community becomes explicable in commensal terms: lineage, the major
lineage and the village community itself.
4.4. COMMENSALITY
IN FUNERALS
Death in an Igbo community can halt or alter the rhythm
of social life and trigger off many commensal problems for the surviving
relatives and friends. The problem of giving and serving food when death occurs
recalls what happens during traditional feasts. The latter can structure a
community into givers and receivers of food, death does a similar thing but it
reverses the pattern of serving food: instead of the host offering food to his
guests, when death occurs the guests take food to his host. This is linked with
the fact that whereas traditional festivals in an Igbo community can involve
individual families in a major lineage in doing a lot of cooking, a death can
stop cooking altogether by the members of the lineage. Besides the above problem identified in a case of death, worthy of
note, in relation to the funeral, is the idea of making good any outstanding
debts before the funeral rites can be granted. Title holders are not given the
rites until it is certified that they are not in debt. A woman’s brothers do
not permit her husband and his group to return her remains to her natal home
until they have paid whatever bride price is still outstanding on her behalf[8].
The Catholic require the relations of a deceased member to pay any debt still
owed to the local church before he can be buried as a Catholic in that
community. The tendency here, is to
regard as heartless, those who insist that the debts should be paid under such
conditions. Nevertheless, to do so is to misunderstand the symbolic meanings
hidden behind those transactions. The underlying notion is that a debt in a
sense breaks a social relationship of solidarity or equality. Thus, the
outstanding debt must be settled regardless of the amount of money involved. In
other words, the reason for the drama lies in the debt itself and not in the
amount of money owed. The implication of this act is not seen in the money, but
by examining the relationship within which the transaction is made. The type of
relationship dramatized here is one of commensality based on reciprocity, or
live and let live attitude. Friends visit the bereaved family on hearing the news
of bereavement and sometimes present different types of food and gifts to
indicate the quality of their friendship for the bereaved[9].
In time the gesture must be repaid to show that the relationship is still
intact. It is the duty of children to bury their father and accord him full
funeral rites so that in their turn they will be buried by their own sons. Therefore, the insistence on making
good the payments can be seen as a mechanism for adjusting and maintaining the
social order. Commensality can only take place when the social order is fully
established and maintained.
4.5. PALM
WINE IN THE SERVICE OF COMMENSALITY.
Palm wine is the traditional drink for the Igbo. How it
serves commensality may be difficult to define. But one significant feature of
the drink is that sharing it attracts crowds. When people see someone carrying
palm wine it is almost instinctive to ask where it is being sent to and for
what purpose. Palm wine features largely at feasts, marriage ceremonies, market
days and at funerals. On such occasions misconduct is generally ignored;
everyone is believed to act under the influence of drink. People come together
in market places, contribute money and buy a calabash of palm wine, share the
contents together, and disperse as soon as they have finished drinking[10].
But even though no definite interests are promoted in the sharing of the
drinks, the parties may forever afterwards remember each other by the fact that
they shared palm wine in the market. It is possible to identify people in the
community with the following remark: ‘Anyi ghukolu mmaya onu nafia’ – we drank
together in the market place. This can be the basis for a lasting friendship. Palm
wine can therefore function to promote or strengthen a given set of
relationship. The use of palm wine in various social transactions such as
marriage, litigation, and the definition of the status of the oldest male
within a group of those sharing palm wine will now be dealt with in turn.
CHAPTER
FIVE
5.0.
EVALUATION AND CONCLUSION
5.1.
EVALUATION
Commensality, as exposed by the
study, is assertive and contains within itself vital force which guarantees not
only its purity but also ensures its continuity. This reason is not far-fetched
because, a commensal group is not only an interest group but also a value
group. As such, commensal groups are conscious enough to establish an in-built
defensive mechanism which protects the values they treasure. Such defence
mechanisms are in the form of norms (dos and don’ts) and their corresponding
rewards and punishments. The ideas of unity, togetherness, oneness and peace,
are established by commensal behaviours. To a share a meal in the same table,
presupposes and existence of unity, togetherness, oneness, and peace, among
those sharing the meal. Through commensality, the bond enjoyed by family
members are fortified, while new bonds are established when contact is made
with new persons. It also helps to resolve existing conflict between friends or
family members. Furthermore,
commensality creates room for sharing experiences and creates room for learning
new values and presents an opportunity for practicing the ones already learnt.
Commensality also presents a vital ground for discipline. In a household
setting, parents capitalise on the sharing of meal to teach their children the
right behaviours to exhibit in different situations. Those who don’t eat
properly are cautioned, while those who eat correctly are given incentives to
make others find such acts attractive. There are glaring evidence that reveals that the Igbo
traditional societies, have made some external contacts which have caused them
to form new commensal groups or allies different from those fostered by
traditional ties. Some of the factors that have given rise to the formation of
these new commensal groups include: religions; school organisations; and
money-based economy. These factors, singly or jointly, form different kinds of
commensal groups. However, their degree of success varies from community to
community. The effects of these factors are highlighted below.
Religion
The emergence of non-indigenous religions in the Igbo
traditional societies introduced new commensal groups. Such religions like
Christianity, fostered new ideas and detracted from the religion based on the
worship of the land and the ancestors. A new group with new ideologies were
found, thus giving room for commensal behaviour. The Christian missionaries
introduced the school organisation which became the source of recruitment to
membership. The essence of teaching in these schools was evangelical, and as
such led to disloyalty to traditional religious worship.
Business Interests
Business interest is also another remarkable factor in
forming new commensal group. The ‘Afor Okweye’ market of Eha-Alumona community
can best explain the impact of this factor in commensality. The ‘Afor Okweye’
market defines the unity that exists in Eha-Alumona community which also
extends to non-indigenes who primarily visit the community for business
purposes. The market is not the monopoly of any maximal lineage within the village
set-up. The arrangement of market stalls can lead to the formation of unions or
business groups. By such arrangements similar commodities are brought for sale
in a particular section of the market. This is known as ‘odo’ – a set of market
stalls. In an ‘odo’, it is easy to detect any inflation or deflation in the
price of goods for personal advantages. There are unions of dealers in
different commodities such as dealers in palm oil, kernel, yam, garri, and so
on.
5.2.
CONCLUSION
Commensality among the Eha-Alumona
people of Igbo traditional society, is of paramount significance to their
peaceful coexistence. It is noted as a veritable tool for promoting peace,
solidifying established ties/bonds, and fortifying already gained unity among
the people who make social contact with one another. Commensality can be so
variable and can occur in every aspect of valued social life. It is a highly
refined social language and requires very intimate knowledge of a particular
culture for an effective utilisation. Worthy of note here, is that commensality
has been threatened by the influx of western cultures to Africa. We are
gradually dumping our treasured cultural values, such as commensality, and
adopting the western culture, promulgating it as the ideal culture. The western
ideology which emphasises individuality is against our (African) culture which
upholds communalism. This idea was represented by J.S. Mbiti’s assertion “I am
because we are, we are therefore I am”. This African world view gives room for
commensal living. And the importance this commensal living in Igbo Traditional
society cannot be overemphasised. One then, is encouraged to uphold this unique
cultural value.
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Nwachimereze J. 1994. Traditions of Igbo Origin: A
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Ozioko A. S, “Eha-Alumona
Attah Igala Kwu Ododo”. (A Paper Pretention to Eha-Alumona Social Club of
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Stevenson
N.H.C. “Status Evaluation in the Hindu Caste System”. Journal of the Royal
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[2] Stevenson
N.H.C. “Status Evaluation in the Hindu Caste System”. Journal of the Royal Anthropological
Institute, 1954.
[3] Osmund A.C. Anigbo.
“Commensality and Human Relationship Among the Igbo.” Nsukka: University of
Nigeria press, 1987.
[4] Osmund
A.C. Anigbo. “Some Political Aspects of Commensality.” Unpublished Thesis.
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[5] Osmund A.C. Anigbo.
“Commensality and Human Relationship Among the Igbo.” Nsukka: University of
Nigeria press, 1987.
[6] Ibid.
[9] Ibid.
[10] This act is no longer obtainable in the community. It must have
been sent into extinct by the influence of westernisation.
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