A HERMENEUTICAL ANALYSIS OF “OMABE” MASQUERADE IN EHA-ALUMONA TOWN OF NSUKKA L.G.A, ENUGU STATE. By Tobe Eze

A HERMENEUTICAL ANALYSIS OF “OMABE” MASQUERADE IN EHA-ALUMONA TOWN OF NSUKKA L.G.A, ENUGU STATE.

1.0 INTRODUCTION
A study on the “Ọmabe” masquerade of Eha-Alumona Town is tasking, partly because of its secrecy, and also as a result of the notion that it is unchristian, and associated with pagan practices. To this effect, this study aims at laying bare the activities of Ọmabe masquerade in Eha-Alumona town. This may help in eradicating such claims, even though, one may not categorically say that the activities of “Ọmabe” masquerade is entirely free of fetish practice. But it is more cultural than religious. It therefore becomes pertinent that we painstakingly carry out this study. This will warrant that we historically evaluate Eha-Alumona town – the people inhabiting it and certainly their activities with particular reference to Ọmabe masquerade. This will be possible with the help of some indigenous sons of this community who would be interviewed on the activities of Ọmabe Masquerade in Eha-Alumona town. Their submissions would be analysed hermeneutically to ascertain the true meaning inherent in the practices of Ọmabe masquerade.
You are encouraged to read on.
1.1 BACKGROUND OF STUDY
This research work is designed to study a particular type of masquerade called “Ọmabe”. It is a known masquerade in Eha-Alumona town of Nsukka L.G.A, Enugu State. Hence the activities and practices of this masquerade within the purview of Eha-Alumona town will be our major focus.
1.2 RESEARCH METHODOLOGY
An Idiothetic Approach was adopted in this study, which allowed me to engage in a one on one interview with four Respondents. These respondents are noble sons of the soil and respectable individuals in Eha-Alumona town. They include: Attama Ozioko Ede, Chief Sir. Simeon Ugwu, Chief Innocent Ezea, Onyishi Cyril Eze and Onyishi Ọrịị Nwaozioko. They were interviewed
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differently, and on different occasions. Nevertheless, their cooperation were encouraging and remarkable.
1.3 DEFINITION OF TERMS
 Masquerade:

Etymologically the word “masquerade” has its roots in the French word “mascaraed” and an Italian word “maschera,” but masquerades likely originated on the West African coast. It is practiced in many different forms, but its origin is traced to West Africa. According to West African custom, masquerade can refer to a performance by masked characters, the performer himself, or the character portrayed by the performer. The African style of masquerade is an outdoor event, performed by men, and sometimes limited to the attendance of men1.
 “Ọmabe” Masquerade:

This is a type of masquerade found in Eha-Alumona town of Nsukka L.G.A, Enugu State. It is among the most ancient masquerades in Eha-Alumona town. “Ọmabe” masquerade is a traditional performance acted out by exclusive secret society within Eha-Alumona town, and it is staged biannual (after every two years). They move about holding long whips, cutlasses and they occasionally dance and sing to the spectators.
2.0 HISTORICAL AND GEOGRAPHICAL BACKGROUND OF EHA-ALUMONA
It is pertinent at this point to engage in a historical and geographical overview of the place of study. Here, the geographical location will be disclosed, as well as the historical origin of the town. To understand the town more, the prevalent occupations and religion will be considered too.
1 Wikipedia.
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2.1 GEOGRAPHICAL LOCATION
Eha-Alumona is located on the Eastern part of Nsukka city, Eha-Alumona is bounded on the North by Orba, on the South by Ede-Oballa and some part of Opi, on the East by some part of Opi and Mbu and on the West by Nsukka, all in Enugu State.
Eha-Alumona, just like Nsukka, is a land of hills and valleys, thus the “Ugwu” within the household names of lots of its indigenes. The Ugwuezemkpume hillock with its stony valleys which geographically separates Agbamere from Ukweje now Eha. There’s Eme stream by Agụ Umabor. Eha-Alumona has Agụ and Ụlọ (Undeveloped and developed areas).
2.2 HISTORICAL ORIGIN.
There are two accounts of the historical origin of Eha-Alumona. These accounts are instrumental in understanding the origin of Eha-Alumona people.
Eha-Alumona, like any other town is inhibited today by immigrants from various parts of Nigeria known and yet unknown. Continue Reading...........................

FIRST ACCOUNT.
The first settlers in this town were the people led by a great man known as NWUNYEANI, who now occupy a section of Eha-Alumona called EBO. The places from where they immigrated are yet unknown. As the first settlers in Eha-Alumona town, Ebo received other immigrants and settled them in the town. The seniority of Ebo in this town is not disputed. Infact, Ebo gave Eha-Alumona town seniority right over all the surrounding towns and is still respected as oldest, particulary in the sharing of kolanut – the sacred fruit of Igboland.
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According to Ọrịị Nwaozioko, the eldest man in Eha-Alumona (Onyeishi Mkpụnatọ), Ebo was an autonomous community, but its depopulation through death made it part and parcel of Eha-Alumona town today. However, Ebo still retains its autonomy up till date in Eha-Alumona. In the gathering of the people of Eha-Alumona particularly elders, separate share of kolanut is given to Ebo before the remaining is divided into three among Eha, Agbamere and Umabor.
Some parts of Eha-Alumona, Eha, Agbamere and Umabor trace their origin to Idah in today’s Benue State of Nigeria relying on legends, Chief Anthony S. Ozioko in his paper entitled “Eha-Alumona Atta Igala Kwu Ododo” says that a man called Eha-Alumona is the eldest son of Attah of Idah, who suffered a millitry defeat at the hand of Nwunyeani of Ebo.
In one of their wars of expansion, under their able military general Onoja Oboni, the Igalas waged war against Nwunyeani of Ebo. Miraculously through the helps of a white woman wearing black cloths, assumed to be a goddess, Nwunyeani defeated the Igala soldiers and took many of them war prisoners. There was no real fighting because the goddess stole away all the weapons of the Igala soldiers during their night slumber. Igala soldiers had no option than to surrender to Nwunyeani and his soldiers.
In search of peace in order to regain his soldiers and weapons, Attah the king of Igala sent his first son “Eha-Alumona” to Nwunyeani with many tributes and presents. Nwunyeani received Attah’s son warmly and organized a sumptuous party for Idah’s Prince.
Nwunyeani not only agreed to peace movement of Attah, but, sent Attah’s son back to his father with many gifts in return showing that love is reciprocal. Good leaders know that human relationship is “dog’s game”: one falling down for other who fell for one. Nwunyeani proved himself an intelligent leader through his attitudes towards Attah of Idah he defeated in a war.
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Such generous experiences Eha-Alumona the son of Attah enjoyed impressed him so much that he requested to be allowed to come back and settle in this town. Nwunyeani in his magnanimity readily granted the request. This permission of Nwunyeani brought the Idah prince “Eha-Alumona” to this town.
Eha-Alumona settled down acting as the intermediary between his father and Nwunyeani. He later married and got three children namely, Eha, Agbamere and Umabor in order of seniority. Eha-Alumona was given the land around the famous hill in the centre of the town. The land was later shared among the three sons of Eha-Alumona. This shows the blood relationship between the people of Eha-Alumona sons and daughters of the same parents. It is neither military gun, nor political diplomancy that united the people of Eha-Alumona from the very beginning, but flesh and blood of one man Eha-Alumona through the creative will of God.
SECOND ACCOUNT.
The remaining sections of Eha-Alumona town that is not Nwunyeani traced their origin to NSHI (NRI) in the present Awka of Anambra State of Nigeria. These immigrants from Nshi came to Eha-Alumona under the leadership of a brave man called “KATA KATA”, he was latter renamed “EZEOKPAKA NWA EZENSHI” as Chief A. S. Ozioko said.
Tradition and legends have it that Ezeokpaka was so brave and acrobatic that even his own Father (Eze Nshi) grew afraid of him. This fear in Eze Nshi let to certain plans to get rid of Ezeokpaka, Eze Nshi sent his son, Ezeokpaka to Agalaba Ojo to bring back the Ihu Ama (Black Smith’s tools) of Eze Agalaba Ojo (whose modern site is yet unknown) the place was a place no stranger goes and comes home alive. In effect, Eze Nshi sent his troublesome son Ezeokpaka to die in Agalaba Ojo, but providence did not support it. On his way to Agalaba Ojo, Ezeokpaka helped a very old
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woman by carrying some of her firewood for her. When they reached the old woman’s house, she questioned Ezeokpaka over his nationality and travel. He narrated all about himself to this unknown woman, and told her of his mission to Agalaba Ojo. The woman enlightened him on the dangers involved in his mission to Agalaba Ojo, and instructed him on how to succeed in his venture. The woman gave him two charms, ọfọ and ọjị, and told him that with these two objects, nobody under the sun will be able to take away his life, still from Chief A. S. Ozioko.
After all the instructions, preparations and two gifts from the woman, Eze Okpaka left for Agalaba Ojo and succeeded in bringing Ihu Ama of Eze Agalaba Ojo to his father Eze Nshi. One tradition said that his father became more afraid of him and expelled him from Nshi according to Duhu Asogwa. Another tradition said that Ezeokpaka on his safe arrival back from Agalaba Ojo took revenge on his father by burning his father alive, which merited Ezeokpaka’s expultion from Nshi town, as Chief A. S. Ozioko said. The two traditions agree that Ezeokpata was expelled on his safe arrival back from Agalaba Ojo and it was this expulsion that made him a wanderer and brought him to the scene of Eha-Alumona town.
A wanderer is always a hunter, and Ezeokpaka was living mainly on hunting. He lived in one of the forests in this town hunting. One of the wives of Nwunyeani saw a smoke in the forest and in her curiosity went to see who kindled the fire there. She saw Ezeokpaka and ran away in fear, but he called her and served her some meat. The woman told her husband, Nwunyeani about the hunter she saw and the hunter’s generous gift of meat to her. Nwunyeani in his generousity, invited the hunter Ezeokpaka to his place. Ezeokpaka was warmly received in Nwunyeani’s place. He narrated his experiences with his father, Eze Nshi, to Nwunyeani and he had pity on him and accommodated him in his place. The fugitive Ezeokpaka now settled down for a normal life in the palace of a generous leader.
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Ezeokpaka gave one of his young chicks to the wife of Nwunyeani to keep for him on sharing basis. One bright afternoon, while they were playing, a hawk dived down and carried one hen which Kata Kata gave to the wife of Nwunyeani. Then Kata Kata got annoyed, he took his ọfọ of Eze Nshi pointed at the hawk and said, “If it were the time I used to be Kata Kata, this hawk would bring the hen back here dead or alive”. No sooner had he finished uttering the words than the hawk and the hen were brought down to the edge of the draft board. (Duhu Asogwa and Chief S. A. Ozioko said the same thing here). Nwunyeani after seeing the magic powers of his visitor became afraid of him and gave him a virgin forest land near the site of Amaezike in Eha-Alumona for permanent habitation, according to Chief S. A. Ozioko. Arika Duhu Asogwa said that the forest land given to him is the present site called Amaechelu in Eha-Alumona which shares boundary with Amaezike village in Eha-Alumona. The two traditions say that Ezeokpaka cleared the forest by simply pointing his magical ọfọ to the tress. After clearing the whole forest, he went back to Nwunyeani and begged him to give him one of his daughters as wife which Nwunyeani accepted and gave him. He gave birth to three male children, they are, Ukwueje now Eha, Agbamere and Umabor.
It is also noteworthy that some Eha-Alumonites migrated into the place called Eha-Amufu today. Tradition and research work say that Ụmụjiọfọ and Ihenyi sections of Eha-Amufu trace their origin to Eha-Alumona town. This tradition is not found in Eha-Alumona alone, but also exists in the Eha-Amufu legends according to S. U. Omeye.
2.3 THE LIFE OF EHA-ALUMONA PEOPLE.
Parentage and environment have much influence on human character formation. People from the same stock and locality act alike to some extent.
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There are four major characteristics by which Eha-Alumonites are known wherever they are. The four characteristics are: Simplicity, Hospitality, Fraternity and Frankness. Any unadulterated Eha-Alumonite has the above qualities. Let us discuss them. The economic life of the people shall be discussed also.
SIMPLE LIFE.
One lives a simple life when one is contented with what one has. A man may be poor but satisfied with himself. He neither jealousies the rich nor worries by his wretchedness.
As mentioned before, God blessed Eha-Alumonites with natural resources. There are abundance of food to eat and palm wine to drink. The forests and bushes had much wild animals for meat. All these help to make Eha-Alumonites contended with all around them. Up till 1960s, feasting and party were the major concerns of Eha-Alumonites. To buttress this, there is an organization in Eha-Alumona whose maiden name is “Akpata enye ọnụ society” that means that a person acquires wealth just to feed himself. The name has been changed to “Ọganiru F. M. C. S” as a result of development. Simplicity has its merits and demerits. A simple man is not proud of handsomeness. He is always disposed for dialogue and ready to co-operate in just causes. In the other hand, some of the demerits are that a simple man will not make extra effort to go beyond the situation one is. Let Eha-Alumonites be proud of their inborn simplicity.
HOSPITALITY.
He is not an Eha-Alumonite, whoever lacks hospitality.
Hospitality is in the blood and marrow of a true son or daughter of Eha-Alumona town. The founder of this town-Nwunyeani was a born hospitable man, according to the accounts of his life discussed above. The town’s great-forefather, Eha-Alumona Atta, was not lacking in this virtue.
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Even Ezeokpaka proved hospitable while still a wanderer in the forest by receiving the wife of Nwunyeani and offering her meat. Strangers feel embarrassed by the traditional prolonged pleadings of Eha-Alumonites with others to share their meal. It is offensive to refuse shaing meal with any unadulterated Eha-Alumonite. They prepare meals not just for themselves but even for the uninvited stranger, whose visit is yet uncertain.
Eha-Alumonites starve themselves to feed a stranger who never gave notice of his/her visit. A kolanut, or snuf, is offered to a visitor first of all to show that he/she is welcomed. If there is no kolanut, snuf or palm wine to offer a visitor, the host must express deep regret for lacking those things.
A visitor must sleep in the best room, with the best bed in the house-even at the loss of the inhabitants’ convenience. If there is hospitality on earth, it exists in Eha-Alumona town.
FRATENITY.
This is an Anglicized Latin word, meaning brotherhood. It conveys the joy that exists between blood relations. There is a popular adage in Eha-Alumona “ONYE AYALE NWANNE NYE” (Let no one abandon one’s relation). One lacks words to convey the sincere love that exists between close related Eha-Alumonites at home and all the Eha-Alumonites outside the town. All Eha-Alumonites are brothers and sisters regardless of their section of origin outside Eha-Alumona town. They share their joys and sorrows together. Up till 1960s, lands and economic trees were not shared in Eha-Alumona town. The eldest man of each extended family was the custodian, who gave out to members of that family portions to cultivate their yearly crops and places to build their houses. The fruit of the economic trees like palm nuts, ogbono and host of others are shared to
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wives of the members of each family. It is not disputable that fraternity is expressed in mutual sharing. It may not be exaggeration to say that unadulterated Eha-Alumonites shared everything together except their wives. Infact even wives are the exempted only on beds – because relations share the marriage expenditures and later welfare of their wives. This is the reason why a wise house-wife in Eha-Alumona must respect her husband’s relations, male and female (ụmụdị).
Fraternity here is also expressed in respect for older relations, and love for the younger ones. If a man kills a hen, goat or any animal, privately in his house he does not eat the heart (Akụ ọkụkọ/Akụ obi ewu), it belongs to the oldest man of the extended family (Nwaọkpara/Onyishi). There are many other things reserved for the eldest in this way. It is also traditional for the members of extended family to gather for discussions about the welfare of their younger and older ones. All these show deep fraternity.
FRANKNESS.
Any unadulterated Eha-Alumonites will tell you what he thinks of you to your face. He does not hide his feelings from others. Duplicity is not the life of Eha-Alumonites. If he/she agrees with you for a purpose, be assured of his/her support, his/her yes is yes and no is no. one need not over-labour this issue since people who had got any business to do with Eha-Alumonites will judge for themselves.
There is a word repeated many times in discussing the life of Eha-Alumonites, and that is UNADULTERATED, it is an important word in our present discussion because many Eha-Alumonites could be termed “adulterated Eha-Alumonites”. A man adulterated when he is no longer representing forefathers in speech and action. The saying that by “their fruits, you know
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them” is correct, but we must remember that there can be rotten fruits of the same tree. There is always accident in human life. Interaction with people of other cultures and parentage has adulterated many people not only some Eha-Alumonites. Accidents notwithstanding, a mature and unbiased observer will discover that true picture of Eha-Alumonites is represented in these pages.
2.4 THE ECONOMIC LIFE OF EHA-ALUMONITES. (OCCUPATIONS).
This history will be greatly defective if nothing is said about the economic life of Eha-Alumona people. We shall discuss this briefly. The Eha-Alumonites have four major means of economic livelihood; namely Farming, Crafts, Trading and Civil Services. There are many other minor means of economic livelihood.
The most ancient and still major occupation of Eha-Alumonites is farming. The majority of the people are famers even today. The reason is obvious: the lands are fertile and each family has more than enough farm land. Even those who have less lands for farming will not spend any money in getting farmland. The spirit of sharing extends beyond family walls. Civil servants, yet to be discussed, are farmers too. This shows that farming is really the main stream of their economy.
Some Eha-Alumonites, in modern time, learn crafts like mason, cabinet, tailoring, carving and many other things one can do. People in these professions combine their crafts with farming as their occupations. Younger Eha-Alumonites, including school dropouts, have learnt and adopted trading as their occupation from the neighbouring towns like; Orba, Imilike, Ovoko and Obollo. Trading proved lucrative and attracted them. Certain educated Eha-Alumonites are in civil service in various offices of Nigerian government. The above are the sources of this town’s economy.
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2.5 RELIGION
Eha-Alumona town is dominantly a Christian community, comprised mainly of Catholics, and few Anglicans and other Pentecostal Churches scatted within the town. However, there are still a reasonable number of adherents of Traditional Religious belief who are the major partakers in the activities of “Ọmabe” masquerade.
3.0 EHA-ALUMONA MAJOR FESTIVALS.
The knowledge of people’s festivals reveal a lot of the people’s culture. Festivals are memorial celebration of antiquity, which links the present with the past and the living with their dead ancestors. There are four major and many other minor such important feasts in Eha-Alumona town, which are ought to appear in the history of this town. The four are: EKEALU, ỤZỌ, ORIRI CHUKWU AND ỌMABE. I shall discuss them briefly one after the other except “Ọmabe” which is the case study.
3.1 EKEALU IN EHA-ALUMONA.
This is the most important feast in Eha-Alumona town. Its celebration marks the end of the year for Eha-Alumonites and presents lessons for the youths. Literally, it means “Eha-Alumona Boundaries” – ekarala Eha-Alumona – because it is during this feast that the eldest man of each family takes the younger ones round to show them boundaries of their lands. There is no other way to know family lands and their boundaries, particularly now people are born and brought up in the cities, except in this way.
It is a feast of reunion, not only of those alive but even the living and the dead. Sons living outside the town are expected to return. Daughters married away visit their original homes with fowls, yams and wine and even cooked food. They all gather in the eldest son’s house for a two day
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fraternal sharing-Eke and orie. (Eke Ekealu). Eke day is the day of great feasting and slaughtering of fowls and at times goats. The eating of the slaughtered animals takes place on orie day (Orie Market day). It is pertinent to say that the fowls are slaughtered on the shrine where all the dead ancestors are represented with a piece of stick planted on the shrine, it is called “ỊGỌNNA” (Ancestor worship). One may interpret it as a homage of children to their ancestors to effect reunion. Tenants at lands pay their tributes to the eldest son of the family at this festival priod. The significance of Ekealu for Eha-Alumona cannot be exhausted.
3.2 ORIRI ỤZỌ IN EHA-ALUMONA.
This is another festival that has effect on the religious and social life of Eha-Alumonites. It is a feast that marks the end of famine season (Ụya), and introduces the period of plenty (Uduminyi).
The year is divided into two in this town; namely oge ụya (famine) when women take charge of feeding in families. The women formerly owned cocoyam (nkashị), cassava (akpụ), maize (azụzụ), local beans (ekụdụ), water-yam (abala) and vegeetables (inene). These were crops they used to feed the whole family during the long period of ụya (famine), mainly November to July annually. On Ụzọ day, the women wash their utencils clean in preparation for uduminyi (period of plenty). During this period of plenty, the men take over the feeding of the whole family. Yam is the major food item. Morning, afternoon and night, it was only yam prepared in various ways – roasting, porridge, boiled or foo foo. This period of uduminyi is always short - August to October yearly.
Ụzọ festival also marks the departure of masquerades called “AKATAKPA” to the other world. Akatakpa is youths’ masquerade, through it is controlled by the chief priest in the town. On ụzọ day, Akatakpa is being worshiped particularly at the shrines of communal ones called ISHIMA (Head of every other Akatakpa). There is a cultural dance (Echọ cultural dance), which all the
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Akatakpa gather to dance in the village square. Echọ dance is last event of Ụzọ festival celebration apart from feasting and drinking that each family enjoy in their homes until midnight on Ụzọ feast day.
3.3 ORIRI CHUKWU IN EHA-ALUMONA.
The religiosity of Eha-Alumonites came out clearly in their ability to recognize the existence of the supreme God and worship him directly long before the advent of Christian missionaries. They call him “EZECHITOKE ABIAMA” – that is God the creator of universe.
Chukwu cult has its shrine at the centre of the people’s compounds. The shrine is called ỌNỤ ENYANWỤ EZECHITOKE-the shrine of God the creator. Here sacrifices, particularly white cocks, are being offered to God directly. It is also here that morning prayers (ọfọ ụtụtụ) are offered to God. Chukwu festival takes place once annually. Its celebration re-enforces the people’s belief in one God, whose servents are other deities, as narrated by Okwor Nwasogwa.
4.0. THE ACTIVITIES OF “ỌMABE” MASQUERADE IN EHA-ALUMONA TOWN.
The content of this chapter is the result or fruit of the different interviews granted by the five Respondents, namely: Attama Ozioko Ede (Onu Omabe in Agbamere Eha-Alumona), Chief Sir. Simeon Ugwu (Enydiuru 1 of Eha-Alumona), Chief Innocent Ezea (Ebubedike 1 of Eha-Alumona), Onyishi Cyril Eze (Onyishi Ogbodu Orlu in Agbamere Eha-Alumona) and Onyishi Ọrịị Nwaozioko (Onyishi Mkpunato).A descriptive presentation of the data collected through the interviews will be done in this chapter.
Having synthesized the various points the Respondents made about the Ọmabe masquerade, the findings have been divided into different headings which include: the origin of masquerades in
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Eha-Alumona, the socio-cultural significance of Ọmabe masquerade outing, the mode of admission into the cult, time and duration of outing, the dress code, and the mode of control.
4.1. THE ORIGIN OF MASQUERADES IN EHA-ALUMONA
The origin of masquerades in Eha-Alumona Town cannot not be detached from the traditions of origin of the people. Masquerading here, is generally believed to be as old as the people themselves. This implies that masquerades have been part of the people, and they migrated into their present day location with them2.
Eha-Alumona as it is constituted today was a product of migration (as we have established in the previous chapter). Historically, many factors have been identified as the possible cause of migration, such as war, expulsion from the original community, the search for food, shelter or security among others. However, it is pertinent to note that masquerades which came along with the people, came through two places – Idọma and Igala. There are historical and cultural links between Nsukka as a whole and Igala, these links are evident in the similarity of kinship and shrine concepts.
4.2. THE AIMS/PURPOSES OF ESTABLISHMENT
In the past, Ọmabe masquerade was regarded as the means for maintaining peace and order and was primarily used as law enforcement agent. It was used to eliminate unwanted criminals within the society in the olden days; it also acted as watchdog on the society; it was used to collect unpaid levies; it was as well used to confiscate lands, when such land is in dispute; the masquerade helped in exposing any bad habits, crimes or misbehaviour of some persons. As people would always take
2 A personal Interview with Attama Ozioko Ede on December 21, 2017.
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corrections from these exposures, the masquerade were effective in keeping up with traditional norms and values in Eha-Alumona town.3.
However, with colonisation in the 20th century, Ọmabe masquerade became more relevant as an institution for cultural entertainment. Nowadays, they are used more for tourist attractions when they come out in colourful robes accompanied by traditional dancers and music4.
4.3. MEMBERSHIP AND THE MODE OF ADMISSION INTO THE CULT
“Ọmabe” masquerade is a traditional performance acted out by exclusive secret society within Eha-Alumona. They consist of adult male members. Each member must be initiated into the society. Their identity is known only to the other members. The members, also known as masqueraders, wear masks to hide their identity from the rest of the village5.
Admission into this cult is restricted, only the Adult males are allowed to join, children and women are not allowed to join. To be eligible for admission you must identify with them by joining in their sacrificial activities and some other rituals that are necessary to become a member. Those who cannot keep secrets are often discouraged from joining the group. The reason is not farfetched since most of the activities are kept secret.
4.4. TIME AND DURATION OF OUTING
In the interview with Chief Innocent Ezea, I was able to gather (in line with what all those interviewed had also revealed) that Ọmabe Masquerade appears every two year during the “Onwa
3 A personal Interview with Attama Ozioko Ede on December 21, 2017.
4 A personal Interview with Onyishi Orii Nwaozioko on January 2, 2018.
5 A personal Interview with Chief Sir Simeon Ugwu on December 22, 2017.
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mbụ” festival, which is a period when Eha-Alumona people commune with their departed ancestors6. This festival is biannually celebrated from the first to the ninth Months of the year.
Ọmabe masquerade outing lasts for nine months. During these months, they come out only on Nkwo and Eke market days. And it also appears in the funeral ceremony of an “Onyishi”.
4.5. THE DRESS CODE
Ọmabe masquerade is dressed in colourful robes and masks made of fabric. The colour of the robe is usually black and white, designed in a way to make the masquerade attractive and worthy of attention. Ọmabe ọcha and Ọmabe oji (White Ọmabe and Black Ọmabe). The material of the dress is of high quality and often very expensive. Tiny mirrors, feathers, a little bell, and some other materials are used to beautify the masquerade7.
The mask can be of only black and white colours. This mask is worn to resemble the spirit of a dead community member. By wearing the mask, a masquerader is thought to have spiritual powers that are conducted through the mask8.
4.6. THE MODE OF CONTROL
The activities of the Ọmabe masquerade is being controlled by a group of individual called the NDỊ ỌHA or another name NDỊ ONYEISHI. They are to be on duty within the periods of the outings, to control the activities of the masquerade by ensuring that there is peace and order at the course of the “Ọmabe” festival. Those who go against the laid down rules of the Ndị Ọha face the punishment(s) commensurate to the offence committed. This Ndị Ọha are identified with their
6 A personal Interview with Chief Innocent Ezea on December 25, 2017.
7 A personal Interview with Onyishi Cyril Eze on December 19, 2017.
8 A personal Interview with Attama Ozioko Ede on December 21, 2017.
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staffs normally called “NTUSHE” other parts of Nsukka have other names they call it like Ọtụshe and so on.9.
4.7. ACTIVITIES INVOLVED IN ỌMABE FESTIVAL.
The first activity is Ọmabe igbabata ụlọ - it is a kind of creating awareness that Ọmabe will return from the spirit world. This is done twelve days before the return of Ọmabe from the spirit world. On that Eke day, every family will cook ọkpa akụ ụlọ Ọmabe (ọkpa meant for Ọmabe alone). The event always take place at night so that no woman or child will see them. They make serious noise so that every person in Eha-Alumona will know that in the next twelve days, Ọmabe will return.
The second activity is the Eke Ọmabe. Eke Ọmabe is the day that Ọmabe returns from the spirit world. This is divided into two. Ọmabe ụtụtụ and Ọmabe mgbede – morning Ọmabe and evening Ọmabe. The Ọmabe ụtụtụ comes down from “Elugwu Ezemkpume” in the morning around seven to eight o’clock in the morning and this is done by only Ọmabe ọcha. They believe that any Ọmabe ụtụtụ that falls will die. When Ọmabe ụtụtụ comes down, people give them different gifts asking them to make the year fruitful for them.
Ọmabe mgbede is more like celebration. Many types of Ọmabe are now involved in this one and people come to Ahọ Ọkweye (Afọr market in Eha-Alumona) to watch them perform. Ọmabe that come out that time are; Echaịrcha, Ọmabe ọcha, Ọmabe oji, Ediogbene, Ahụọlọ and Okokoro. Every village is expected to come out with at least one Echaricha and any of Ọmabe ọcha or Ọmabe oji. Echaricha comes out to dance and entertain the people. Ọmabe ọcha or Ọmabe oji accompanies it. Ediogbene comes out as father and it makes trouble. A rope is tired at its waist to control it so that it does not spoil things. Ahụọlọ and Okokoro come out last and that will mark the end of the
9 A personal Interview with Chief Innocent Ezea on December 25, 2017.
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Eke Ọmabe. After this people will go home to eat, drink and make merry to thank Ezechitoke Abiama for the successful Eke Ọmabe.
The third activity is Ịtọ Ọmabe ajị (Releasing the belt of Ọmabe). Ịtọ Ọmabe ajị comes up etọ taa that is twelve days after Eke Ọmabe. It is also done at night by only Ndị Ọha or in another name Ndị Ishi (eldest men from every village). Ọkpa akụ ụlọ Ọmabe is also cooked on that day for Ọmabe to eat. After this event, then Ọmabe is now free to come out every Nkwọ and Eke market days.
Another activity which is the fourth one is Ọnụọkachi. Ọnụọkachi has no English translation but it brings to people’s notice that Ọmabe is about to go back to the world of the spirit. Ọnụọkachi comes up izu esaa before ụla Ọmabe (twenty-eight days before Ọmabe goes back to the world of the spirit). On Eke Ọnụọkachi, women and children are not allowed to go out for maka ihụkpọ enya (to avoid see what they cannot carry). Ọmabe goes around the whole village shouting on top of their voices to make sure that no one that does not suppose to see them comes out. After Ọnụọkachi, people prepare and gather things that they will send to their Ancestors through Ọmabe.
After Ọnụọkachị comes Ọmabe mgbọtọ, this literarily means Naked Ọmabe. This comes up twelve days before ụla Ọmabe. On this day again women and children are also not allowed to come out so that they do not see a naked Ọmabe. Both on Ọnụọkachi and Ọmabe mgbọtọ days, they believe that any woman or child that sees them will die.
Lastly, is Ụla Ọmabe – returning back to the world of spirit. Ụla Ọmabe comes up around first or second week of September. It is a two day celebration. The first day is Nkwo Ọmabe and second is Eke Ọmabe. On Nkwo Ọmabe in the morning, Ọmabe will sing and go up to a place called ỌNỤ OKIKE to clear the place very well for Ọmabe to return to the spirit world. In Agbamere Eha-
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Alumona, and Ụkweje now Eha, women and children do not come out for the same reason stated above while in Ụmabọr, it is a day women and children go out to fetch firewood they will use on Eke Ọmabe, it is called Nkụ Ọmabe.
Eke Ọmabe is the last day of Ọmabe for that year. Ọmabe continues to go up to Ọnụ Okike from morning till night. Even some go up there in the midnight. As they go up they sing aloud as they sing on Nkwo Ọmabe. These are some of the songs they normally sing:
One
Iyeeeeeooo!
Iyeeeeeooo!
Obodo gbaa!
Obodo gba n’ maa!
Ndiomu gbaa!
Ndiomu gba n’ maa!
Two
kpo ngege, kpo ngege!
kpa kpa nkpo!
ịyaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaa!
Three
Kwenu ụdọ awụlaga anyị n’ anya!
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Ụdọ awụlaga anyị n’ anya!
Four.
Kaaaaaaaaa! Kokokokokokooooooo!
Hum!
Kaaaaaaaaa! Kokokokokokooooooo!
Elele ele lele leoooo!
Maa agaru noooooo!
Kaaaaaaaaa! Kokokokokokooooooo!
After Eke Ọmabe, you will not here of Ọmabe again till after two years.
5.0. A HERMENEUTICAL ANALYSIS OF AKATAKPA MASQUERADE IN EHA-ALUMONA TOWN.
Hermeneutics is the act of interpretation, some call it the act of understanding or the technique of understanding. In interpreting both history and thoughts, hermeneutics denies that there is a single objective true interpretation concerning all view points, and that we are confined within our own view points.
It is on the above framework that I stand to hermeneutically analyse the activities of “Ọmabe” masquerade of Eha-Alumona town in Nsukka L.G.A, Enugu State. In line with Paul Ricoeur’s assertion that in our corporation of both history and fiction, one must turn to the text to understand its plot as guideline if we are to comprehend what it is all about (the meaning)10, the available
10 Dr Sylvanus Nnoruka. African Philosophy Lecture.
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sources (mostly oral) of the activities of “Ọmabe” Masquerade in Eha-Alumona town, will be critically examined in other to sieve out the meaning it upholds to Eha-Alumona people, and more especially to those who are active participants.
5.1. THE METAPHYSICAL IMPLICATIONS
Masquerades, according to Igbo belief, are associated with spiritual elements, they represent images of deities or sometimes even dead relatives. The identity of the masquerade is a well-kept secret and performed exclusively by men.
The living-dead are what these masquerade/spirits embody. Igbo people believe that the dead never actually die; rather, they remain in a "personal immortal state". They reside somewhere between the earthly world and the spiritual world. These living-dead are believed to be closely related to those of the village. Since men are masqueraders, they are buried within their homes so their spirits may be close to their families. The living-dead then return to the earthly world from time to time to offer spiritual advice. It is the living-dead, who the masquerade portrays.
It is generally believed in the Igbo land that the masquerade is a spirit which springs from the soil. Such notion is attached to the masquerades in Eha-Alumona. It is believed that this masquerade on its outing, is a spirit and subsequently called “mma” in central igbo “Mụọ”. Any harm or attack directed to it, is said to have been directed to the spirit. For instance, one who unmasks the masquerade publicly is said to have committed atrocity, which is called “igbu mma”. This perhaps explains why the masquerades do not use their real voice while requesting for kola or singing to the spectators.
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5.2. THE SOCIO-CULTURAL SIGNIFICANCE OF “ỌMABE” MASQUERADE OUTING
Ernest Emenyonu while speaking of the role of masquerades in Achebe’s “Things Fall Apart” stated thus: “the masked spirit in traditional Igbo society was a vehicle of much more manners, it was the repository of all that was held secret, mythical, mysterious, magical, super-natural in Igbo Culture”11. Wole Soyinka in his play, “The Road”, reiterated the theme in his use of masquerades, “The anonymity of the masquerades if only to the uninitiated and women, lend it a supernatural aura”12. Probably, Professor Elizabeth Ischie could have been speaking of Eha-Alumona people in particular when she said that, in Igbo society, “the secular and the sacred, the natural and supernatural are a continuum”13. This is because if properly examined, Ọmabe masquerade in Eha-Alumona gives the credence to the notion that cultural uniformity has been the base of cohesion in political diversity in Eha-Alumona.
Hence, this masquerade activities serves as unifying force between Eha-Alumona and other close and related communities. Its entertaining function cannot be overemphasised, for this has remained the major reason behind its continuing acceptance. It is this entertaining part that attract passers-by to come out watch them (including the Christians).
5.3. EXPOSING THE DYSFUNCTIONAL ACTIVITIES OF ỌMABE MASQUERADE
It is disheartening to observe that in the recent times, some Ọmabe masqueraders have derailed from its lofty role of entertainment to embrace other things. This ugly and unbecoming phenomenon have marred the peaceful outing of this masquerade. The sacredness of the mask is fast fading because many incomers flout the rule guiding its activities. This has led to many clashes
11 Some Nigerian Masquerades: Story in Pictures by Abiodum Azeez, Article in the Nigerian Magazine No.144, 1983.
12 Ibid.
13 Isichie, E. A History of the Igbo People. London: Macmillan Press, 1974.
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leading to blood bath and sometimes even death. The period of Ọmabe can be christened crisis period in Eha-Alumona. This partly because it leads to economic stagnation since major markets are closed to business during this period. The movement of both visitors and indigenes are restricted as both groups apply a self-imposed curfew to avoid an unpleasant encounter with the masquerades.
Some persons have used the period for settling acrimonies of the past and even political vendetta. There are established cases of clashes between Ọmabe and Christian adherents every “Ahụa Ọmabe” – (year of Ọmabe) period. Others especially jobless youths see the period as a boom for making money by extorting money from innocent unsuspecting victims through intimidation and indiscriminate use of the cane. There are indications that some claim to have some mystical powers and are constantly competing to see which one has the most mystical powers, whenever they appear together especially at village squares or funerals. Some even poison there cane and use it to paralyse the legs of the people they flog (it is called “igba igwe”).
These dysfunctional activities if not checked will sometime in future lead to the death and eradication of this masquerade. There should be codes to regulate the appearances of the Ọmabe masquerade to urgently arrest the situation. This codes of regulation should make room for severe punishments of violators.
5.4. RECOMMENDATIONS
While carrying out this research, I found out that few study has been done on the people of Eha-Alumona, mostly especially on the area of their masquerading activities. And as such little is known about their mode of operation and their social and cultural significance. It is evident that it is as a result of this lack of knowledge of the Ọmabe masquerading activities, that many have
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antagonised its outing. To this effect, I recommend that more detailed and in-depth study should be conducted on the activities of Ọmabe masquerade of Eha-Alumona town. This, I believe, will go a long way to expose the socio-cultural significance of this cultural activities, and as well create room for constructive criticisms. Through such criticisms of the masquerading activities, certain ill practices associated with it will be discontinued while the positive aspects of it will be maintained and modified.
5.5. CONCLUSION
Despite the dearth of masquerading in Eha-Alumona occasioned by the introduction of Western civilisation, the people have refused to part with their custom. Hence different masquerades are featured during different traditional festivals. Ọmabe masquerading has remained active and significant not minding the fact that it is among the most ancient masquerade in Eha-Alumona. Its entertaining function has continued to make it attractive and interesting. However, the general notion that masquerades are seen as a link between the dead and the living, and as also a link between a god and the people, have kept Ọmabe masquerade relevant and desirable in Eha-Alumona town.
The outing of Ọmabe masquerade is an important and significant masquerading activity in Eha-Alumona. It makes the “Ahụa Ọmabe” festival remarkable and memorable. Nevertheless, it is pertinent to note that this masquerading outing is occasioned by African Traditional Religious believers, and as such Christians do not take part in its activities. It is associated with paganism, mostly because its activities that are shrouded in secrecy and fetish acts. Does who engage in it make certain sacrifices, they also prepare charms which many say is for a successful outing and performance as well as protection. However, the fetish acts associated to it are said to be individual
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inventions, and not was traditional obtainable. Thus, I believe that if the religion is detached from it, it will stand a better chance of being accepted as a cultural practice by all and sundry.
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BIBLIOGRAPHY
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